The Tocobago Indians were a Native American group who inhabited the region surrounding Tampa Bay, Florida, from prehistoric times until approximately 1760. They, along with neighboring groups of the same period, are classified archaeologically under the umbrella of the Safety Harbor culture, a late prehistoric (pre-European contact) cultural complex. Their story is one of adaptation, resilience, and ultimately, displacement in the face of European colonization.
The Safety Harbor culture, flourishing in the centuries before European arrival, left behind a distinctive archaeological record. A key marker of this culture, particularly in the Tampa Bay area, is the presence of Pinellas Plain pottery. This type of pottery is characterized by its relatively simple design, often featuring smooth surfaces. While some pieces may have included handles, elaborate decorations were generally absent, except for incised patterns found around the rims of vessels. Interestingly, more complex designs sometimes appear on pottery recovered from burial mounds, suggesting a potential distinction between everyday and ceremonial uses.
Historical records left by the Spanish explorers and colonists often mention the term "Tocobago," but its precise meaning can be ambiguous. Spanish documents refer to villages, chiefs, and even chiefdoms – alliances of subordinate villages – using the same name. Thus, "Tocobago" could refer to a single individual, a specific village, or a more extensive political entity, depending on the context in which it is used. This ambiguity makes it challenging to reconstruct the precise political and social structure of the Tocobago Indians.
While the Tocobago inhabited the Tampa Bay region, they were distinct from the Timucua people, whose territory generally extended south to around present-day Ocala. However, there were periods when the influence of Timucuan chiefs, such as Urriparacoxi, extended into the Tampa Bay area. Urriparacoxi, whose name was pronounced roughly as "Oo-ree-pah-ra-coo-see," managed to exert temporary control over some of the groups residing in the Tampa Bay region, blurring the lines between the two cultures. This suggests a dynamic and fluid political landscape, where alliances and spheres of influence shifted over time.
The arrival of Hernando de Soto in 1539 marked a turning point in the history of the region. De Soto’s expedition traversed the Tampa Bay area, providing some of the earliest European accounts of the native populations. His chronicles mention various groups, including the Uzita, Mocoso, Pohoy, Guacozo, Luca, Vicela, Tocaste, and the Tocobago. However, because de Soto’s expedition did not explore the northern reaches of Tampa Bay, he did not directly encounter the main Tocobago village. At the time of De Soto’s visit, these villages were relatively small and lacked significant political power, likely consisting of only a few settlements and associated family groups.
The consequences of de Soto’s visit were devastating for some of the native groups. The villages of Uzita and Mocoso, for example, vanish from Spanish records after this encounter. It is believed that they were decimated by a combination of factors, including enslavement as guides and bearers for the Spanish, and the introduction of European diseases to which the native populations had no immunity. These diseases, such as smallpox and measles, spread rapidly through the native communities, causing widespread death and social disruption.
The Tocobago Indians, however, continued to be mentioned in Spanish documents from 1560 onwards. Archaeological evidence supports this, with numerous Spanish artifacts discovered at Safety Harbor sites. These artifacts primarily originated from Spanish shipwrecks, which were frequently salvaged by the Florida natives. However, some artifacts can be traced back to the visit of the Spanish explorer Menéndez in 1567. The main Tocobago village was situated on Old Tampa Bay, near the modern-day town of Safety Harbor. A Spanish cartographer, Juan Lopez de Velasco, even provided a latitude description of the site, helping to pinpoint its location.
In 1567, Menéndez traveled to the Tocobago village accompanied by Chief Calusa and a contingent of Calusa warriors. The Calusa, who were at war with the Tocobago, intended to raid and burn the village. This incident highlights the complex and ever-shifting power dynamics in the Tampa Bay area during this period. The balance of power was influenced by several factors, including the acquisition of treasures, such as Mexican gold and silver, from Spanish shipwrecks, and by the alliances that the Spanish forged with different native groups.
Upon learning of the impending arrival of Menéndez and the Calusa, the Tocobago chief summoned 29 vassal chiefs and 1,500 warriors to defend their village. This impressive display of force suggests that the Tocobago had grown significantly in power and influence since de Soto’s expedition some 30 years earlier. The formation of these native coalitions was likely a response to the growing European presence and the associated threats it posed, rather than solely stemming from internal native rivalries. Impressed by the size of the Tocobago army, Menéndez worked to avert hostilities, recognizing the potential consequences of engaging in a conflict.
The Tocobago Indians’ newfound power over 29 villages was likely linked to their ability to acquire wealth from Spanish shipwrecks. They also occasionally enslaved shipwreck survivors, which further bolstered their economy. This control over resources and manpower allowed them to exert influence over neighboring groups and to resist external threats.
The Tocobago, like other inhabitants of the Tampa Bay area, relied heavily on aquatic resources for sustenance, including fish, shellfish, and marine plants. They also engaged in hunting and gathering on land, exploiting a wide range of terrestrial resources. However, uniquely among the Tampa Bay groups, the Tocobago cultivated corn, indicating a more developed agricultural practice.
Their villages were characterized by the construction of platform mounds, which served as elevated foundations for the chief’s house and temples. These mounds were central to the village layout and served as symbols of authority and religious significance. The common villagers lived in palm-thatched huts surrounding the mound. The constant occupation of the village resulted in the accumulation of middens, or trash heaps, around the platform mound. These middens provide valuable archaeological information about the Tocobago diet and material culture, containing discarded shells, animal bones, broken pottery, and other refuse.
Away from the main village was a charnel house, where the bodies of the deceased were processed. This process involved removing the flesh from the bones, leaving only the skeletal remains. These bones were then carefully buried, often with grave goods, in a designated burial mound. In one instance, a captured Spaniard named Juan Ortiz was forced to guard the charnel house against animal scavengers. Accounts from the Narváez expedition describe wooden boxes, salvaged from shipwrecks, being used to store human bones that had been carefully wrapped in painted deer hides. These boxes were later used in the burial process, with the bones being removed and interred in a community burial mound.
In 1612, a detachment of Spanish soldiers was dispatched to punish the villages of Pohoy and Tocobago for raiding Spanish missions located to the north. Pohoy and Tocobago, who were independent of larger political entities, had formed an alliance at this time. However, by 1679, Pohoy had become subject to the more powerful Calusa Indians to the south, demonstrating the fluid and shifting political landscape of Florida’s native populations. In 1718, a Tocobago village was attacked by the Pohoy, their alliance of a century before long forgotten.
The presence of European goods at most archaeological sites in the Tampa Bay area underscores the extent of Spanish influence on the native populations. The introduction of European diseases and warfare ultimately devastated these groups. As their numbers dwindled, the survivors banded together, sometimes forming alliances with groups that spoke different languages. Many sought protection from Spanish soldiers by relocating near St. Augustine, where they worked with Spanish missionaries.
The British, operating from the Carolinas, further destabilized the region by employing Yamassee Indians as slave raiders against the Florida natives. Later, the Yamassee themselves fell victim to other native raiders sponsored by the Carolinas. Faced with these threats, many remnant groups migrated to St. Augustine, seeking the protection of the Spanish. By 1720, Spanish missions near St. Augustine were working with, Christianizing, and utilizing the labor of eleven native villages, including Yamasee, Guale, Jororo, Pohoy, and Tocobago.
Despite Spanish efforts to attract northern natives to St. Augustine, the native population in Florida and southern Georgia continued to decline. This labor shortage hampered the town’s ability to maintain its agricultural production and ultimately weakened its grip on the New World. Although a few small missions continued to serve the dwindling native populations until 1759, the cultural groups of the Tampa Bay area had largely disappeared. In 1763, when Spain ceded Florida to the British, the remaining "Spanish Indians," along with the inhabitants of St. Augustine, were relocated to Cuba, marking the end of an era for the Tocobago Indians and other native groups in the region.