Chief Stabbed-by-Nustah stands as a significant figure in the history of the Blackfoot Confederacy, primarily remembered for his vocal opposition to the alteration of indigenous names for geographical landmarks within Glacier National Park. While the historical record concerning his life remains somewhat fragmented, his actions serve as a powerful symbol of cultural preservation and resistance against the erasure of indigenous heritage. To understand the context of his protest, it’s crucial to delve into the social and political structures of the Blackfoot people and the broader historical narrative of European colonization and its impact on indigenous communities.
The term "chief," as applied to indigenous leaders, often carries connotations derived from European political systems that don’t accurately reflect the complexities of indigenous governance. When European nations began their encroachment upon the Americas, they often imposed their own understanding of leadership, assuming a hierarchical structure akin to European monarchies. This led to the misinterpretation of indigenous leadership roles, portraying them as autocratic rulers of "tribes," a term that itself simplifies the diverse social and political organization of indigenous nations. The United States, despite rejecting monarchy for its own governance, continued to perpetuate this flawed understanding of indigenous leadership. This misconception persists today, obscuring the true nature of indigenous governance and the responsibilities of leaders within their communities.
The Blackfoot Confederacy, residing on the Northern Plains along the eastern edge of the Rocky Mountains in present-day Montana and Alberta, Canada, provides a compelling example of this nuanced leadership structure. The Confederacy comprised several distinct but related groups: the Siksika (Northern Blackfoot), Kainah (Blood), and the Pikuni (Piegan or Peigan). The Pikuni are further divided into the South Piegan (located on the Blackfeet Reservation in Montana) and the North Peigan (in Alberta). While these groups shared a common language and many cultural practices, they maintained political independence.
Each of these groups – Siksika, Kainah, North Peigan, and South Piegan – was further divided into smaller, autonomous units known as bands. These bands formed the fundamental units of Blackfoot society, particularly organized around the communal hunting of bison, which served as the cornerstone of their economy and way of life. The band structure provided a framework for effective resource management and defense.
Prior to the introduction of the horse, bands were typically small, consisting of 20-30 related families, totaling 100-200 people. Anthropologist John Ewers, in his seminal work "The Blackfeet: Raiders on the Northwestern Plains," aptly describes the band’s functionality: "These bands were large enough to enable their members to encircle a small herd of buffalo on the prairies and large enough to offer a stiff defense against human enemies; yet they were small enough to permit survival during periods of game scarcity and limited rations." Each band operated independently and had its own chief, traditionally a man chosen for his leadership qualities.
The position of chief was not hereditary in the strict sense, although a son could succeed his father if he demonstrated the necessary attributes of leadership, including bravery, generosity, and wisdom. Unlike European monarchs, Blackfoot chiefs did not possess absolute authority. Their power stemmed from their ability to persuade and influence, guiding their people through consensus and respect. They were responsible for maintaining peace within the band, mediating disputes, and ensuring the well-being of their community members. Social control was often maintained through subtle means, such as gentle ridicule for minor offenses, which served to shame offenders into correcting their behavior.
During the summer months, the various bands would often converge for joint encampments, sometimes lasting for up to two weeks. These gatherings served as opportunities for communal ceremonies, such as the Sun Dance, and for the chiefs to convene in council. During these councils, one influential band chief might be recognized as the head chief of the tribe, but this position primarily held significance during the encampment period. The role of the tribal chief was more akin to a chairman of the council of chiefs, facilitating discussion and representing the collective interests of the bands, rather than wielding dictatorial power.
A defining characteristic of Blackfoot leadership was the emphasis on generosity, manifested through "give-aways." These formal events involved the distribution of property to others, a practice that stood in stark contrast to the values promoted by Christian missionaries and the U.S. government, who often viewed it as wasteful or inefficient. Blackfoot chiefs were expected to exemplify this generosity, often giving away the majority of their possessions to demonstrate their commitment to the well-being of their people. This act of giving reinforced their standing within the community and solidified their leadership.
Oratory skills were also highly valued in Blackfoot leaders. Chiefs were expected to be eloquent speakers, known for their honesty and integrity. Historian John C. Jackson, in "The Piikani Blackfeet: A Culture Under Siege," describes the qualities that earned respect among the Blackfoot: "Standing tall, speaking straight, exuding dignity and unshakable self-confidence were the attributes that won respect."
Beyond eloquence and generosity, Blackfoot leaders were expected to possess a distinguished record as warriors, demonstrating bravery and skill in battle. War honors were earned through acts of "counting coup," such as disarming an enemy, capturing a horse from an enemy camp, or other acts of daring. Killing, while sometimes necessary, was not necessarily a requirement for counting coup.
Anthropologist Hugh Dempsey, in the "Handbook of North American Indians," writes that a band leader generally had "an outstanding record of success in warfare and was regarded as generous to the poor in his distribution of war booty or inherited wealth." Howard Harrod, in "Mission Among the Blackfeet," states that "Without an impressive war record, as well as a history of philanthropy, no man could hope to become a band chief." In many cases, bands had both a civil chief, known for his eloquence and wisdom, and a war chief, renowned for leading successful war parties.
It is within this complex historical and cultural context that the actions of Chief Stabbed-by-Nustah, Blackfeet Chief, gain their significance. His protest against the renaming of geographical features within Glacier National Park was not merely a symbolic gesture; it was a defense of Blackfoot cultural identity and a challenge to the ongoing erasure of indigenous history. The names given to mountains, lakes, rivers, and waterfalls by the Blackfoot people were not arbitrary labels; they were deeply connected to their history, their spirituality, and their understanding of the natural world. To replace these names with those of European origin was to sever the Blackfoot people from their ancestral lands and to deny their right to self-determination.
While detailed information about Chief Stabbed-by-Nustah’s life and specific actions remains scarce, his legacy serves as a reminder of the ongoing struggle for indigenous rights and the importance of preserving cultural heritage. His protest echoes the voices of countless other indigenous leaders who have fought to protect their lands, their cultures, and their identities in the face of colonization and assimilation. His story, though brief, embodies the spirit of resistance and the enduring connection between the Blackfoot people and their ancestral homeland. Chief Stabbed-by-Nustah’s actions highlight the ongoing need to acknowledge and respect indigenous perspectives in the management and interpretation of public lands and to ensure that indigenous voices are heard in decisions that affect their communities.