The Pipestone Indian Boarding School, a significant, yet complex, chapter in the history of Native American education, commenced its operations in 1893. Situated a mere fifteen miles west of Flandreau, South Dakota, the school, while geographically located within Minnesota, was conceived as a sister institution to the Flandreau Indian Boarding School. This proximity belied a distinct role for Pipestone Indian Boarding School, which rapidly evolved into more than just an educational facility.
From its inception, the Pipestone Indian Boarding School functioned as a multifaceted service center. It served as a hub for education, a provider of healthcare, and a locus for federal administration, all catering to the needs of the scattered and dispossessed Santee Sioux population. Its influence extended beyond its immediate grounds, as it also oversaw the Birch Cooley (Coulee) Day School from 1899 until the latter’s closure in 1920. This oversight underscored the significant role Pipestone played in shaping the educational landscape for Native American children in the region.
One of the key distinctions between Pipestone Indian Boarding School and its sister institution in Flandreau lay in the diversity of its student body. While Flandreau primarily served the Flandreau Sioux, Pipestone extended its educational offerings to a wider range of tribal affiliations. Children from the Chippewa (Ojibwa/Ojibwe), Cheyenne, Blackfoot, and Winnebago tribes, in addition to the Santee Sioux, found themselves within the walls of Pipestone. This diverse mix of cultures, while enriching in some ways, also presented unique challenges in terms of cultural understanding and pedagogical approaches.
The academic curriculum at Pipestone mirrored that of Flandreau, reflecting the prevailing assimilationist policies of the era. The underlying goal was the complete integration of Native American children into mainstream American society. This involved not only academic instruction in subjects such as reading, writing, and arithmetic, but also vocational training designed to prepare students for specific roles in the workforce. This assimilationist approach, however, often came at the expense of Native languages, traditions, and cultural identities.
The physical setting of Pipestone Indian Boarding School was carefully chosen to support its mission. Located two miles north of Pipestone, Minnesota, the school occupied a sprawling 640-acre campus. Of this vast expanse, 150 acres were dedicated to cultivation, providing opportunities for agricultural training and self-sufficiency. The remaining land served as pastures and meadows, sustaining the school’s livestock and providing hay for the winter months. The fertile land provided not only sustenance but also a vital element in the vocational training offered to the students.
Interestingly, the land upon which the school was built held significant historical and cultural importance for the Yankton Sioux Indians. The eighth Article of the treaty of April 19, 1858, granted tribal members free and unrestricted access to the Red Pipestone Quarry for religious purposes. This sacred site, central to Yankton Sioux spirituality, was located within the school’s grounds, adding another layer of complexity to the institution’s history. The juxtaposition of the boarding school, a symbol of assimilation, with a sacred site, a symbol of cultural preservation, is a powerful reminder of the conflicting forces at play during this era.
The initial infrastructure of the school was substantial. A two-story stone building housed laundry and boiler facilities, a storehouse, workshops, and living quarters. Separate structures included a horse stable, a cow stable, a chicken house, and two outhouses. Constructed by the federal government at a cost of $10,000, this initial complex was larger than that of Flandreau Indian School, highlighting the scale of the government’s investment in this assimilationist project.
The earliest official report of the Pipestone Indian Boarding School, issued by the Secretary of the Interior in the fall of 1894, provided a snapshot of the school’s early operations. Inspector McCormick noted the high enrollment of pupils during the first year, but also pointed out the presence of several students under the age of five, requiring additional care from the school’s matrons. This underscored the challenges faced by the school in providing appropriate care and education for children of varying ages and developmental stages.
Although the overall capacity of the school during its first decade was set at seventy-five students, lower than Flandreau’s capacity of 150, the ultimate goal was to accommodate 150 youngsters. Until Pipestone reached that capacity, Flandreau was responsible for accommodating any overflow. This arrangement reflects the interconnectedness of the two institutions and the shared responsibility for the education of Native American children in the region.
Inspector McCormick’s report also included specific recommendations for improving the facilities. He suggested renovations to address issues such as plastering, repairs to locks and doors, insulation, and window cleaning. He also commended the children for their role in maintaining the buildings and grounds. His main concerns were the proximity of the laundry room and boiler room, due to the risk of fire, and the need for a regular physician.
Another survey of the school, conducted by Inspector A. J. Duncan in the spring of 1900, offered further insights into the school’s operations and physical condition. Duncan described Pipestone as a non-reservation boarding school with "superior buildings of stone" constructed from the red pipestone quarried nearby. He noted that the dormitory, kitchen, dining room, and employee quarters were all heated by steam and lighted by gas, reflecting the advanced technology available at the time.
Duncan’s concerns focused on cosmetic improvements, such as replacing the boiler, constructing a new dormitory to alleviate overcrowding, purchasing a new laundry machine to prevent injuries, and replastering the buildings. His report also included a more comprehensive assessment of the school’s physical plant and staff, including information on the water supply and fire protection program.
The water supply was drawn from a tank located 200 feet from the main building, capable of holding 500 barrels. The school’s fire protection program was deemed adequate, with fire hoses connected to the water supply in every hall and regular fire drills conducted under the supervision of the superintendent. Duncan also noted that the school grounds boasted numerous shade trees and fruit trees, along with a stock of livestock that included horses, cows, and sheep. At the time of his inspection, the school had 100 children in attendance.
By 1915, Pipestone Indian Boarding School had expanded significantly. The school occupied 685 acres, valued at $41,000, and included twenty-six buildings, valued at $80,000. Seven separate heating buildings, valued at $3,000, provided heat to nine buildings throughout the year. The annual costs for electricity, water, and sewer systems were $2,250, $4,500, and $800, respectively. The total cost of the school plant was estimated at $150,000. Pipestone also operated a health facility, costing $5,925 per year.
Suggested improvements during this period included remodeling the boys’ dorms to resemble those at Flandreau Indian School, installing a new sanitary system for the boys, and remodeling the basement in the boys’ dorms. Other proposed projects included extending the electric power system, constructing an indoor gymnasium, a domestic science building with equipment, a central heating plant and powerhouse, more sleeping porches, a new shop, and building a new basement for the girls’ dorm.
The Commissioner of Indian Affairs praised the dairy barn and yard, with its high-quality herd, as well as the playground equipment. This equipment included a baseball diamond, basketball courts, a tennis court, swings, ladders, flying rings, horizontal bars, a climbing pole, slides, and a football field. He also commended the required military drill, consisting of eighteen to twenty minutes of daily marching.
Despite the positive aspects, the Commissioner underscored the need for an indoor gymnasium and domestic science building, a central heating plant, powerhouse, and sleeping porches for tuberculosis patients. He also recommended installing an alarm system in the girls’ dorm, adding partitions in the girls’ dorm closets, and granting Pipestone students free access to the Birch Cooley Day School playground.
As the school rapidly expanded during the 1910s, staff struggled to keep pace with federal funding for new buildings and necessary repairs. In the 1920s, the Pipestone Indian Boarding School continued to serve as a central point for activity within the Indian Field Service and the local community, while simultaneously addressing structural repairs.
In 1924, Pipestone constructed a Dutch Colonial-style domestic service cottage at a cost of $3,500, with labor provided by the student body. The sharing of excess supplies between area schools, such as Pipestone and Flandreau, was a common practice. This included items such as beds, refrigerators, and toilet paper.
The final decade of Pipestone’s operation coincided with John Collier’s New Deal, followed by the termination/relocation era of the late 1940s and early 1950s. As a result of the legislative revolution during the 1930s, there was a push for curriculum reform and the closure of boarding schools in favor of day schools, a policy that Pipestone ultimately adhered to.
After sixty years of operation, the Pipestone Indian Boarding School closed its doors for the last time in 1953, after undergoing numerous shifts in staffing, programming, and grade levels. From its beginning to its end, Pipestone, like Flandreau, served as an area office, health facility, and academic institution for dispossessed Native peoples. The school also provided a central tribal identity for a Dakota people living as individual citizens or as enrolled members of other Sioux bands on the Santee or Yankton reservations.
With political support from South Dakota U.S. Senator Richard F. Pettigrew, the immediate goal of the institution in the 1890s was to educate and assimilate the Native population. Within a short period, it became clear that the institution served more than just academic purposes. In reality, it anchored the local white and Native American populations by providing employment, healthcare, and education for the community.
Through decades of changes in leadership, curriculum philosophies, and building projects, the schools managed to maintain their presence in the region well into the twentieth century. Pipestone Indian Boarding School closed, however, due to direct pressures from New Deal legislation.