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The descendants of the Ocheti Sakowin, a powerful and historically significant Indigenous nation, are today represented by 18 First Nations in Canada and 17 Tribes in the United States. This expansive group shares a common ancestry and cultural heritage, although their interactions with colonial powers and subsequent governmental policies have introduced layers of complexity to their identity, particularly regarding the names used to identify them. At the heart of this complex identity lies the Ocheti Sakowin language, a vibrant tapestry woven from three primary dialects: Dakota, Nakota, and Lakota. Over time, these dialects have further diversified into a number of sub-dialects, reflecting the geographical dispersal and unique experiences of various communities.
The terms Dakota, Nakota, and Lakota served initially as a means of self-identification, denoting one’s affiliation with the broader Ocheti Sakowin and, by extension, indicating the dialect spoken. A Dakota speaker, when referring to the entire Ocheti Sakowin, would use the term "Dakota." Similarly, a Nakota speaker would use "Nakota," and a Lakota speaker, "Lakota." It’s crucial to understand that, historically, these terms were not intended to be divisive. They were simply linguistic markers within a larger, unified cultural context. However, the arrival of European colonizers and the subsequent actions of the United States and Canadian governments fundamentally altered the meaning and application of these terms.
The process of colonization strategically exploited these linguistic differences to sow discord among the Oyáte (meaning "people" or "nation"), the Ocheti Sakowin. By emphasizing the distinctions between Dakota, Nakota, and Lakota, colonial powers aimed to weaken the collective strength and resistance of the Ocheti Sakowin. This deliberate promotion of division has had long-lasting consequences, creating disparities between Canadian bands and American tribes, impacting the relationship between tribal governments, and even fracturing families. The legacy of this divisive strategy continues to affect the Oyáte today.
Despite these challenges, ongoing initiatives strive to bridge the divides and foster reconciliation among the Oyáte. These efforts aim to revitalize cultural practices, strengthen political unity, promote social cohesion, and improve economic opportunities for all members of the Ocheti Sakowin. Reclaiming a shared identity and healing the wounds of the past are central to these initiatives.
Misinterpretations surrounding the terms Dakota, Nakota, and Lakota have further compounded the challenges. Ethnographers often erroneously translated these terms as "friendly" or "allies," suggesting a political alliance akin to modern-day Canada or the United States. However, the true essence of Dakota, Nakota, and Lakota lies in the concept of "those who consider themselves kindred." Kinship, rooted in shared ancestry, language, and cultural values, forms the very foundation of the Oyáte, shaping its cultural, political, social, and economic fabric. These terms, therefore, more accurately reflect the cultural, social, and economic dimensions of the collective.
In contrast, the term Ocheti Sakowin holds a specific political significance within the language. It is the only term that directly corresponds to the European concept of a nation, representing the political unity and collective governance of the Oyáte. Understanding this distinction is crucial to grasping the nuances of Ocheti Sakowin identity.
The earliest written accounts of contact with the Ocheti Sakowin date back to the 1640 Jesuit Relations. Jean Nicolet, drawing upon information gathered a few years prior, documented the names of several bands he identified as "Naduesiu." This term, however, was a French corruption of the Ojibwe phrase "nadowe-is-iw-ug," which translates to "smaller adders." The Ojibwe used this derogatory nickname to distinguish the Ocheti Sakowin from the Mohawk, whom they referred to as "nado-wewok" (real adders).
Over time, the French shortened "Naduesiu" to "Sioux." Consequently, the Ocheti Sakowin became widely known as the "Sioux" or the "Great Sioux Nation" in historical documents, including treaties and official records maintained by the French, British, United States, and Canadian governments. This name, originating from a derogatory Ojibwe term, became a primary identifier for the Ocheti Sakowin in the eyes of the colonizers.
Within the same historical records, one of the Ocheti Sakowin tiyospaye (extended family groups) was identified as separate and distinct and labeled "Assinpour-Le Jeune," meaning "stone cookers." This was yet another corruption of an Ojibwe term. Eventually, this evolved into "Assiniboine," a term frequently used in treaties and other governmental documents to refer to certain Nakota-speaking bands.
The term "Assiniboine" was initially applied to the Hohe tiyospaye, but it was sometimes mistakenly extended to other Nakota-speaking groups. Like the term "Sioux," "Assiniboine" was also utilized during the colonization process to further division among the Oyáte. The governments of the United States and Canada, along with some ethnographers, continue to perpetuate the narrative that the Assiniboine separated from the Sioux nation over 500 years ago to establish their own distinct nation, and that the two groups have been enemies ever since.
While occasional conflicts did occur between the Hohe and other members of the Ocheti Sakowin, these were no different from the conflicts that sometimes arose between other members of the larger group. Elders describe the relationships between the various groups as being akin to those within a family. Just as siblings may occasionally clash or form alliances, the different groups within the Ocheti Sakowin experienced periods of cooperation and conflict. This familial dynamic contrasts sharply with the Eurocentric perception of constant warfare and animosity.
The traditional First Nations concept of warfare differed significantly from the European model. War was often viewed as a game, with the primary intent not being annihilation but rather demonstrating bravery and skill. Within the Ocheti Sakowin, killing an enemy was considered disrespectful. Instead, warriors who "counted coup" – touching or striking an enemy – were the ones who earned honor and recognition.
Much of the intertribal fighting that occurred in the 1700s and 1800s was instigated by the French, British, and Americans. The conflicts between the Sioux and the Ojibwe and Cree during this period are prime examples of this manipulation. The Assiniboine often served as intermediaries or buffers between the Sioux and the Ojibwe and Cree, highlighting their complex and multifaceted role within the region.
In addition to being called Sioux or Assiniboine, some Nakota-speaking bands are referred to as "Stoney" in historical documents. This further complicates the already intricate Sioux Name Game.
Historically, the Dakota-speaking bands resided in the eastern part of the Ocheti Sakowin territory, the Nakota-speaking bands occupied the central region, and the Lakota-speaking bands lived in the west. Historical documents, including treaties, often incorporate terms that reflect these linguistic and geographical relationships.
The most commonly used terms are Santee, Yankton, Soanes, and Teton. While the origin of "Soanes" remains uncertain, the other three are corrupted versions of Dakota, Nakota, and Lakota terms. Beyond these corrupted terms and the traditional names for various subdivisions and bands of the Ocheti Sakowin, a wide array of other names have appeared in historical records.
One such name is "Buffalo Nation," which aligns with the oral traditions of the Ocheti Sakowin. According to creation stories, the people were created to serve the spirits and were initially known as the Pte Oyate, or Buffalo Nation.
The Ocheti Sakowin is composed of seven divisions, often referred to as "fireplaces," hence the name Ocheti (fireplace) and Sakowin (seven). Each of these divisions, or ótoŋwe, is further divided into seven subdivisions, or osáŋye. While the names of the osáŋye are not as widely remembered, the names of the ótoŋwe osáŋye are well-known and have sometimes been mistakenly identified as the divisions of the Ocheti Sakowin.
Each oyate is comprised of numerous extended family groups, or tiyospaye. Due to their size, most tiyospaye could not camp together for extended periods and would often split into multiple camps at different times of the year, or for only part of the summer.
The Hohe, often called Assiniboine, and the Íŋyaŋ ʔé Wicášta, frequently referred to as Stoney, originate from the Iháŋktǫŋwaŋna tiyospaye. Oral tradition recounts that some members of the Hohe married ʔašátoŋwaŋ (Ojibwe) spouses, and their in-laws came to live with them, leading to conflict with their Nakota relatives. To avoid further conflict, these tiwahe (households) formed their own wíóṭi (camps). This is believed to have occurred in the early 1600s, shortly before Jean Nicolet gathered his information. The Hohe traveled extensively throughout the area stretching from the Great Lakes to the Rocky Mountains.
Some of those called Íŋyaŋ ʔé Wicášta are undoubtedly Nakota and may have originated as new wíóṭi that evolved from the Hohe. However, according to oral tradition, some may have originated from one or more ótoŋwe wíóṭi who traveled into the Rocky Mountains and remained there. Some Stoney elders refer to themselves as Rocky Mountain Sioux and claim to understand Lakota better than the Nakota spoken by the Hohe.
Historically, the Dakota, Nakota, and Lakota had no tolerance for incest, requiring individuals to marry outside of their tióšpaye. However, the majority of members within a wíóṭi typically belonged to the same ótoŋwe. A number of reserves/reservations were established for members of more than one ótoŋwe. For example, the Wahpeton Reserve’s original membership included individuals of Waȟpétoŋwaŋ, Sisítoŋwaŋ, and Iháŋktǫŋwaŋ ancestry. Another example is the Fort Belknap Reservation, shared by people of Nakota and Gros Ventre (Atsni) ancestry.
The heterogeneous nature of some reserves/reservations, coupled with the fact that some ótoŋwe were assigned to more than one reserve/reservation, meant that the reservation system did not align well with the Ocheti Sakowin structure. This misalignment, along with other factors related to the reservation system, contributed to the denigration of the Ocheti Sakowin and the development of new identification systems – one Canadian and one American – based on the reservation system.
Traditionally, when a Dakota, Nakota, or Lakota person was asked "Who are you?" by another member of the Oyáte, they would typically identify themselves by their wíóṭi and tiyospaye, and then elaborate by tracing their mother’s and father’s lineages. Today, only a small percentage of people can provide such detailed information. Many, particularly those who are not Lakota, may not even know their osáŋye.
More people can identify themselves by their language dialect – Dakota, Nakota, or Lakota – than by their ótoŋwe, even though only a small percentage are fluent in the language. A significant portion of people identify themselves by their band or tribal membership, but sadly, many only know themselves as being Sioux, Assiniboine, or Stoney. For the Ocheti Sakowin, The Sioux Name Game is highly complex, and the diversity of names often leads to confusion.
The complexity and confusion surrounding The Sioux Name Game have contributed to some parents not teaching their children more about their heritage. While many are now expressing interest in learning more about their identity, the complexity of the subject can be discouraging.
Since the 1970s, most Canadian bands have refrained from using the names Sioux and Assiniboine. Some have even formally changed their names. For example, the Round Plain Sioux Band is now the Wahpeton Dakota First Nation, the Moose Woods Sioux Band is now the White Cap Dakota Sioux First Nation, and the Assiniboine Band is now the Carry The Kettle Nakota First Nation. Within the three major divisions of the Dakota-Lakota-Nakota Nation, there are seven major bands, who are referred to as the Seven Council Fires. The Tetonwan band also has seven further subdivisons of the Teton. The Sioux Name Game is more than just semantics; it is a reflection of a complex history and an ongoing effort to reclaim identity and self-determination. Understanding The Sioux Name Game is critical to understanding the history and present reality of the Ocheti Sakowin.